Re: Integral Shamanism (transcript)
holden said May 23, 2007, 10:06 AM:
I thought ya'll would like this. I think I've been harsh in my critique of modern shamanistic practice for the purpose of consciousness development. So, I did some research on the subject, and it seems like an interesting field. Here's an article from the journal, The Anthropology of Consciousness, titled, “Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness.”
I'm just posting the conclusion, because it is a 36 page paper. The conclusion of the researchers is basically that not all ASC are the same, nor have the same effect or purpose. And that, like Wilber would say, the level of consciousness has to be known before hand, in order to properly determine the ASC for the individual. That is ASC or empirically measurable brain activity is dependent upon the current consciouness of the individual, and can't see seen as a one size fits all model.
” Conclusions and Relationship to Psychology Physiological Aspects of ASCs Methods of inducing ASCs have been correlated to some extent with physiological indicators (Winkelman 1986), especially with regard to EEG and the autonomic nervous system. However, as Locke and Kelly (1985) point out, there have been no reports in the anthropological literature of direct recording of covert physiological indicators (EEG, EKG, EMG, skin potentials, etc.) in nonwestern field settings (but see Green and Green 1977 for a report of their preliminary work with several yogis in India). Consequently, much of the theoretical explanation concerning ASCs in non-western settings has been inferential in nature (not yet subjected to empirical verification). The importance of this point can be illustrated through a brief review of EEG research on meditative states. In 1955, Das and Gastaut reported strong beta activity of high amplitude during the meditative states of practitioners of Kriya Yoga. These results were not verified in later EEG studies of meditative states: Anand, Chhina and Singh (1961) in studying Baj Yogis experiencing the samadhi state found an increase in amplitude of alpha waves which persisted despite strong experimental stimuli such as bright lights, loud noises, etc. Kasamatsu and Hirai (1972) studying disciples of Rinzfli and Soto Zen also found an increase in alpha rhythm amplitude (as well as rhythmical trains of theta waves among the most experienced practitioners) during their meditative states. Similarly, practitioners of Transcendental Meditation were found to exhibit an increase in alpha rhythm amplitude, short theta periods, and, in the most advanced subjects, some beta waves (Banquet 1978). [See also Schuman (1980) for a comprehensive review of physiological models of meditative states.) Although most reports have indicated an increase in alpha rhythm, it would seem that this is not necessarily at the expense of other types of brainwave activity. It can be deduced from these studies that not all meditative traditions produce the same physiological “state,” so much so that Pelletier (1978) has argued that each state is consistent with the philosophy of its respective meditative tradition. The significance of this point is not to be underestimated, especially in light of the plethora of mechanistic models for categorizing ASCs. Johnson (1970:501) has so stated: EEG and autonomic data cannot be used to define states of consciousness; the state of consciousness of the subject must first be known before the physiological significance and possible behavioral meaning can be inferred. Given the fact that culturally relevant, individually held purposes (philosophy or mental constructions) at least partially determine physiological correlates of ASCs, it would seem imprudent, given the current lack of empirical data, to attempt to equate one particular type of ASC with another, or to “explain” one type in terms of another, based solely on (often hypothesized) physiological factors. Another line of enquiry into physiological aspects of ASCs has been the production and effect of endorphins on the body. It is well known that extended periods of strenuous motor activity can lead to a pain-free state of euphoria following an initial period of pain and fatigue (Appenzeller, et al. 1980; Fraioli, et al. 1980). This state has colloquially come to be known as “runner's high.” Prince has hypothesized that this state may be characteristic of shamanic trances associated with vigorous motor activities in the form of dance, and trance phenomena which involve fine motor tremors (1982:414), as well as analgesia among Kentucky fire handlers (1982:412). He goes on to further hypothesize that endorphin-related analgesia and euphoria may result from purely psychological stress (terror of impending ego dissolution or other situation of life stress) in the absence of motor hyperactivity (the “mock hyperstress hypothesis”). While research into neuroendocrine correlates of ASCs, both with and without hypermotor activity, may indeed be fruitful, especially in light of the resurgence of dissociation theory, it would seem that care must be taken not to generalize too broadly from one trance state to another. For example, while trance channels do report feelings of euphoria and ecstasy, they do not engage in hypermotor activity as part of their trance induction process, nor do they report severe psychological stress such as terror of impending ego dissolution, but rather a harmonious “blending” of “entity” and practitioner (Hughes 1991). Winkelman (1986) has attempted to correlate method of induction, psychophysiological factors and phenomenological experience, postulating three broad “entailment chains” or traditions: the “meditative tradition” 10 Anthropology of Consciousness [5(2)] associated with sleep deprivation, austerities, auditory driving, fasting, and social isolation; the “shamanic tradition” associated with sleep, unconsciousness, soul journey, and excessive motor behavior; and the “mediumistic” or “possession trance tradition” associated with amnesia, possession, convulsions, spontaneous onset and excessive motor behavior. He goes on to hypothesize “a relationship between temporal lobe syndrome and trance states, particularly possession” (1986:194). While Winkelman does indeed find such a statistical relationship, it should be noted that the data utilized in his analysis are limited to “variables indicating temporal lobe discharges” as found in the ethnographic record; as noted above, there are, as yet, no empirical data, in the form of actual EEGs of practitioners of possession trance, collected in a non-western field setting. Some preliminary work has been done with trance channels in the United States which indicated that even though there are rather dramatic changes in brainwave activity during the trance channeling state, the EEGs of the trance channels were inconsistent with what would have been found if “temporal lobe syndrome” in the form of petit mal seizures, psychomotor epilepsy or grand mal seizures were occurring (Hughes 1990). Further, while trance channeling can be categorized as a form of possession trance as defined by Winkelman, i.e., “a trance state interpreted by the culture as a condition during which the practitioner's own personality is temporarily displaced by the personality of another entity,” convulsions, excessive motor behavior, spontaneous onset, and amnesia are not consistently associated with trance channeling, although some individuals have reported the latter two characteristics (Hughes 1991). While comprehensive theoretical constructs correlating all lines of inquiry into altered states of consciousness are certainly academically attractive given the huge variety of cross-cultural phenomena in this area, it would seem that the preliminary empirical data seem to defy such neat categorizations. Psychopathology Whether or not altered states of consciousness are indicative of psychopathology has been a question of much debate. By definition, ASCs are states of mind which are different from the individual's normal mode of functioning (Pelletier 1978). While the dictionary definition of “normal” is simply “of the usual standard; regular; usual” (Thomdike Bamhart), in psychology “normal” is defined as “not mentally ill; sane.” It can readily be seen that this rather simple semantic confusion is indicative of much deeper issues involving not only normal/abnormal dichotomies characteristic of Western psychological theories, but also a fair degree of Western ethnocentrism. Two basic approaches seem to have emerged with regard to the psychopathology of ASCs question. The first is dependent upon cultural relativism, and seeks to assume the viewpoint (or “worldview”) of the specific society to which the practitioner of the ASC belongs. Adjudications as to whether behavior is “normal” or “abnormal” are essentially left up to other members of the practitioner's own society (Bourguignon 1976/1991). Cultural, and indeed situational, context is deemed of primary importance with regard to the validity of judgments regarding psychopathology. The second approach has been to apply Western psychological and psychiatric concepts of psychopathology directly to behavior observed in other cultures. In these terms various altered states, in keeping with the normal/ abnormal dichotomy, have been labeled hysteric, neurotic and psychotic. Noll has pointed out that the issue of psychopathology “pivots on issues of volition, purposefulness of behavior, and consciousness of thoughts and behavior” [the amnesia question] (1989:48), but it should be noted that these criteria are in themselves basic to Western concepts of mental health. We can note the problem of psychopathology with respect to the shaman. The behavior of the shaman is marked by ecstasy, trance, possessed voices, and description of visionary entities and domains. While most of these terms are in a continual process of re-definition by social scientists and psychologists, there has always been a tendency to regard all such behavior as simply pathological. What precise type of psychopathology has been a matter of debate: the principal favorites have been hysteria and schizophrenia. Hysteria falls under the general heading of the dissociative disorders, which would include amnesiac episodes, multiple personality and disorders of depersonalization. The distinctive criteria of the dissociative disorders are sudden and temporal alteration in consciousness, or in the sense of personal identity, or sometimes in bizarre motor behavior. The possession aspects of the shaman are thus interpreted as temporary alterations in identity; the trance itself as a shift in consciousness; and the physical actions of the shaman, which are often violent and excitable, as representing the bizarre motor behavior of hysteria. The so-called flight of the shaman, in which he represents himself as travelling to mythical domains to retrieve the soul of his patient, is simply interpreted as hallucinations: images and representations which are interpreted as being dissociated from other perceptual processes and which are mistaken by the shaman for real experiences. The very dramatic quality of the shaman, which is performed ritually with an audience, is seen as a kind of histrionic personality disorder. When schizophrenia is invoked for labelling the psychological behavior of the shaman, attention is drawn to the symptoms of delusion and thought disorder which the shaman is believed to have. However, there is one dominant feature of the schizophrenic which is lacking with the shaman, namely that of impaired social relationships. This is not only completely lacking in shamans, but the role of the shaman is highly valued in his or her society, and there is no estrangement between this figure and the group which he or she serves. Finally, the fact of cultural contextualization, or the cultural embedding of an ASC, might in itself be an indicator as to whether or not the altered state is pathological in nature (Peters and Price Williams 1980); the issue here is whether the behavior is purely idiosyncratic, or June 1994 ^Shamanism and Altered States of Consciousness 11 learned by following a cultural model (Bourguignon 1976/ 1991). While issues of psychopathology certainly have not been resolved, it is perhaps most fruitful at this point to simply note that while individual practitioners of various ASCs may or may not exhibit (varying) degrees of psychopathology, there is no indication that altered states of consciousness in and of themselves are inherently pathological. Psychotherapeutic Functions While altered states and shamanistic practices have sometimes been labelled pathological by Western standards, the very opposite has been thought by indigenous peoples and also by some Western scholars; i.e. that the process is one of healing, both in physical terms and psychotherapeutically. We will illustrate the healing function of altered states of consciousness with respect to particular types. Dreams Healing through the power of dreams goes back a long way in history: the ancient practice of incubation has been recorded as far back as 3000 B.C., associated with the temples dedicated to the mythical figure of Asclepius, in the area of Greece and nearby Mediterranean regions. The basic practice in incubation was for a sick person to spend a night in a sacred spot—it could be a shrine, a temple, a church or a sanctuary. While he was asleep, the god associated with the place would visit the dreamer and apply a cure. In Greek times the dream figure would be Asclepius himself. When these areas became Christianized, the dream figure would be a saint, as in the case of St. Anthony who visited dreamers in the crypt of the cathedral in Amalfi, southern Italy. This practice, in this general area, was reported at least up to the beginning of the twentieth century. In a dream, the god or saint would appear and perform a number of possible healing functions: he might directly enact a cure, or he might suggest a diet, or prescribe actions that the sick person needed to carry out (see Edelstein and Edelstein 194^; Hamilton 1906). In recent times, incubation has been observed in Morocco (Crapanzano 1975), where tombs of the saint are sought out for sleeping, so that one might be cured by the saint. Possession Trance A representative example of healing through possession trance is that of the Zar cult, which can be found throughout the Middle East. It has been well studied by Kennedy (1978) in the case of the Nubians of Egypt. Disorders are observed, mainly in women, which are believed by the local 12 Anthropology of Consciousness [5(2)] populations in which this Zar cult is seen, to be caused by spirits through possession. What is distinct with the Zar cult is that both patients and healers are dissociated during the course of treatment, and indulge in a dialogue while both are possessed. If a woman is suspected of having an illness caused by a Zar spitit, a ceremony is called for which could last for several days. During this time there is much dancing and singing, some animal sacrifice, and a ceremonial journey down to the Nile where the patient and others bathe their bodies. Kennedy (1978:208) described how: The audience's enthusiasm may be low at the beginning of a zar performance, or may flag at later points during long sessions. At such times, the sheikh of the zar usually demonstrates his own supernatural abilities. He becomes possessed by a series of often quite different spirits, each demanding elaborate costume changes.” Prince (1980:316) has pointed out, in his discussion of the Zar phenomena, that there are two patterns found when dissociative states are used psychotherapeutically: first, the healer is dissociated (in trance or trance possession); second, the patient is dissociated, while the healer may or may not be. As we have seen, the Zar cult falb under the latter class, with the healer also becoming dissociated. Trance An example of a healer going into trance to effect a curing, but not becoming possessed, is seen with the dukun of Java (Geertz 1960/1977). A dukun is at once a curer, sorcerer and ceremonial specialist; the term is generic, there being all kinds of dukuns—masseurs, midwives, mediums, herbalists and so on. The practice for curing which can be thought of as trance is well described by Geertz (1977:149): The dukun meditates, going into a near trance and clearing his mind entirely of any 'pictures' until he gets an abstract and formless feeling which tells him what the disease is and what the cure should be. Ritual Strictly speaking, a practiced ritual does not necessarily involve an altered state of consciousness, but it might be argued that, psychologically speaking, a ritual requires careful concentration and almost obsessive care for detail to the point where the ordinary day-to-day consciousness and awareness is transformed to a certain degree. In any case, for the sake of completeness, we should illustrate psychotherapeutic functions effected by ritual alone. Previously we had discussed one role of the shaman as healer. The shaman might enact curing through a number of methods, including herbs and in possession trance. Another way is through simply carrying out a meticulous ritual. A good example comes from Peru, being that of the curandero called Eduardo who was studied over a period of time by Douglas Sharon (1978). In many south American rituals performed by shamans and curanderos the concept of a mesa is crucial. A mesa is a display of so-called “power objects,” objects which have been acquired by the shaman, have special meaning for him and which are understood as a medium through which acts of healing are carried out. The term also'refers to ritual acts performed with these artifacts. As Sharon (1978:62) explained it in the case of Eduardo: Taken as a whole, the mesa symbolizes the duality of the worlds of man and nature—a veritable microcosm duplicating the forces at work in the universe. In Eduardo's case and in other South American shamans, the mesa operation may be conjoined with the imbibing of hallucinogens (specifically, the San Pedro cactus for Eduardo), but it is the ritual application of the mesa in curanderismo in general that provides the symbolic prop” as Sharon called it for not only curing, but for other diverse “magical” properties, such as locating lost property, punishing thieves, influencing the weather, and so forth (see Sharon 1978:73). Meditation There are many kinds of meditative techniques (see Goleman 1977), but one in particular has been the target of investigation for therapeutic effect. This is the technique of Transcendental Meditation. Basically, the technique consists of a repetition of a Sanskrit word or sound, a so-called mantra (see Goleman 1977:68-74 for full description). Usually the repetition is performed when the subject is in a quiet and relaxed state, so that it is difficult to distinguish the effects of the mantra per se and the bodily state of relaxation during which it is said. Both physiological and psychological effects of Transcendental Meditation have been investigated. Prince (1980:313-314) has summarized the various studies showing indeed that positive effects have been determined, but that some similar physiological results can also be matched by traditional relaxation methods. Adaptive Functions Proposed social and psychological functions of ASCs abound in the literature. Underlying all of the proposed functions of ASCs is the assumption that such states are “adaptive” in some way. It is important to note here that the term “adaptation” has a specialized definition in terms of the theory of evolution through natural selection, as well as its more common dictionary definition. In its general sense, “adaptation” is defined as “adjustment to different circumstances or conditions” (Thomdike Barnhart Advanced Dictionary), while in its specialized sense, “adaptation” is defined as “genetic changes within populations in response to selection (environmental) pressure; usually takes many generations” (Nelson and Jurmain 1988:619). Thus the species-wide human capacity to experience altered states of consciousness is clearly a product of evolutionary processes over many generations (as evidenced by their extremely widespread distribution) (Ludwig 1969), yet what selective (environmental) pressures this capacity is an adaption to has not yet been clearly addressed in the literature. By contrast, adaptive functions as they are more generally set forth in the literature are merely adjustments to different circumstances or conditions that may be made by a single individual within a single lifetime. In keeping with this sense of the term, Ludwig has outlined some “adaptive June 1994 iShamanism and Altered States of Consciousness 13 expressions” of ASCs: “to acquire new knowledge or experience, express psychic tensions or relieve conflict without danger to himself or others, and to function more adequately and constructively in society.” (1969:19). Possession trance has been linked, by some researchers, to circumstances of educational and economic deprivation and frustration suffered by marginal social groups, particularly minorities and women in societies which deny social mobility (Bourguignon 1976/1991; Greenbaum 1973; Kiev 1972; Lewis 1966; Ward 1984). Altered states of consciousness have also been viewed as vehicles of adaptation for societies as a whole when confronted with consequences of social, cultural, economic, and political change, especially when they have resulted in revitalization movements (La Barre 1938, Wallace 1956). These may focus on accommodation to changing circumstances such as those brought on by European expansionism and consequent reservation life, as in the case of Native American revitalization movements, or as a way of reconfirming religious beliefs and traditions, as in the case of Thaipusam ceremonies among the Hindu community in Malaysia (detailed above). In either case ASCs may be utilized to promote cohesion in marginal communities. Conclusion There seem to be no simple or monolithic explanations regarding any aspect of enquiry into altered states of consciousness. Aside from the many terminological problems in definition and description of the phenomena, etiologies and functional explanations have been proposed with reference to a wide variety of academic disciplines, and their concomitant theoretical orientations. Further, it has been tentatively concluded that many of the specifics with regard to the manifestation of ASCs seem literally to be reflective of the meaning systems of the participants, thus making the phenomena particularly slippery when attempting to deduce characteristics of a fundamental or universal nature. Finally, the preoccupation of Western thought with concrete material phenomena has resulted in a scientific bias against systematic inquiry into such ephemeral phenomena as consciousness itself, the apparently universal human need for spirituality and the seemingly equally universal search for personal meaning in life. Despite these difficulties, altered states of consciousness stubbornly persist as a significant aspect of human experience and therefore warrant serious attention by psychologists and other scholars. Moreover, we should add that the topics discussed in this chapter are really updates of issues that have been long reviewed by psychology. One need only go back to William James's (1902) Varieties of Religious Experience to realize that what we now are calling altered states of consciousness and shamanistic states are similar, if not identical, to those earlier understood as experiential correlates of mysticism and religious experience. Culture and time undoubtedly influence the way in which these experiences are understood by the subject and communicated to others. And, again, without doubt, the degree to which such experiences are taken seriously by mainstream psychology may also differ over time. Nevertheless, the substantive areas concerned have a long and respectable history in the study of human nature.” References
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